INTRODUCTION: THE MASKED FACE OF COUNTER-REVOLUTION

Broligarcy is not just a cultural tendency. It is a ruling-class formation—a patriarchal, capitalist, and often white-supremacist proto-fascism that emerges to protect the crumbling empire from democratic disruption. Beneath its “bro” veneer of chill vibes, locker-room jokes, and venture-capital cool lies the reactionary core of late capitalism: a system in crisis, clinging to fraternal networks of male dominance, racial hierarchy, and elite impunity.

This isn’t just the “old boys’ club” with a new face. It’s the gendered militia of capital. A counter-insurgency waged through HR departments, Ivy League clubs, crypto bro start-ups, and police unions. Broligarcy is the soft face of fascism—the gateway drug to a fully militarized, patriarchal state that will do whatever is necessary to suppress rebellion from below.

To confront broligarcy is to recognize its role as both cultural hegemony and political infrastructure in the maintenance of racial capitalism. It is the fraternal engine of fascist resurgence.

1. BROLIGARCHY AS PRE-FASCIST SOCIAL FORM

Broligarcy is the informal scaffolding of fascism-in-waiting. It lays the groundwork for authoritarian reaction long before the jackboots march or the tanks roll in. Fascism does not begin with the state; it begins with a social bloc—a class alliance—forged to preserve privilege and crush insurgency.

In historical fascisms—Mussolini’s Blackshirts, Hitler’s Brownshirts, Franco’s Falangists—there was always a core of petty bourgeois and bourgeois men organized through fraternal, militarized masculinity. Today, that social bloc is reconstituted in the form of billionaire boys’ clubs, alt-right trolls, campus libertarians, police fraternal orders, and venture capitalists funding “anti-woke” campaigns.

They weaponize grievance—particularly white male grievance—into a political identity. Broligarcy channels this resentment not upward at the ruling class, but downward at feminists, migrants, Black organizers, and queer youth. It becomes the cultural base for fascism by masking capitalist terror as freedom, and authoritarianism as common sense.

2. GENDERED MILITANCY AND THE CRISIS OF PATRIARCHY

Broligarcy is how patriarchy adapts to capitalist decay. As traditional forms of male dominance are threatened by feminist, queer, and anti-racist movements, the system does not simply collapse—it mutates. It becomes more reactionary. It doubles down on masculine authority under the guise of irony, meritocracy, or freedom.

Fascism is always gendered. It is a violent reimposition of patriarchal order through the family, the nation, and the state. Broligarcy performs the prelude to this reordering: it normalizes the silencing of women, the policing of gender, and the romanticization of “traditional values” through memes, think tanks, and corporate policy. Think Andrew Tate. Think Elon Musk. Think the white male tech exec who votes “progressive” but builds AI tools for cops and border patrol.

This isn’t just toxic masculinity. It is counter-revolutionary masculinity—a masculinity in service to empire.

3. CAPITALISM, CRISIS, AND BROLIGARCHIC FASCISM

Fascism is capitalism in crisis mode. When the ruling class can no longer rule through consent, it rules through force. Broligarcy is the intermediary stage—it preserves capitalist power while delegitimizing radical alternatives. It’s the bro in the boardroom funding anti-union campaigns. The politician who laughs off police violence as “bad apples.” The influencer who calls Black Lives Matter a “Marxist scam.”

Broligarcy does not need the state to wield power—it has capital, algorithms, media networks, frat house pipelines, and billion-dollar corporations. But when push comes to shove, it will fuse with the state to suppress working-class rebellion. This is where broligarcy becomes fascism outright: the tech mogul who bankrolls surveillance contracts, the police chief with military hardware, the governor outlawing trans existence, the hedge funder who funds coup attempts.

Broligarcy’s final form is digital fascism: privatized, decentralized, algorithmic repression—wrapped in dude-speak and branded as innovation.

4. RACIALIZED FRATERNITY AND THE POLITICS OF EXCLUSION

White broligarcy is the hegemonic form. It constructs a racial fraternity that stretches from Wall Street to the Proud Boys. But broligarcy is also adaptable—it can incorporate non-white members, as long as they serve its ideological purpose. It’s Clarence Thomas on the Supreme Court. It’s Black and Brown ICE agents deporting migrants. It’s colonized elites who trade community for access.

This inclusion is conditional. It rewards assimilation and punishes solidarity. It is a racial pact rooted in the defense of capital and patriarchy, not liberation.

Fascism requires this racial loyalty to function. Broligarcy provides it—through media, through political punditry, through think tanks that frame anti-Blackness as “law and order” and anti-feminism as “free speech.” It launders white supremacy through respectability and tech-speak.

5. RESISTANCE: SMASHING THE FRATERNAL FASCIST CORE

We don’t reform broligarcy. We destroy it. Through revolutionary organization, counter-hegemony, and direct confrontation with its institutional bases.

a. Class War from Below

Revolutionary labor organizing—especially led by Black, Brown, queer, and feminized workers—cuts at the root of broligarcy by breaking its monopoly over value and control. Strikes, worker takeovers, and sabotage disrupt the gendered economy of domination.

b. Revolutionary Feminism and Queer Militancy

To confront broligarcy is to dismantle patriarchy at every level: in schools, courts, relationships, prisons, and movement spaces. Revolutionary feminism is not about representation—it’s about the abolition of the gendered state. Queer and trans militancy destabilize the rigid binaries upon which fascism depends.

c. Political Education and Counter-Institutions

We need revolutionary political education that names broligarcy as a formation of counter-revolution. And we need independent institutions—schools, media, healing spaces, cooperatives, defense formations—that embody a different kind of power: communal, collective, and liberated.

CONCLUSION: A WARNING AND A CALL TO ARMS

Broligarcy is not a joke. It is not just bro culture or toxic workplaces. It is the ideological foot soldier of fascist capitalism. It functions as a shield against democracy, a weapon against the oppressed, and a machine of social reproduction for empire.

To defeat it, we must do more than critique. We must organize. We must build. We must fight.

In the words of George Jackson: “Fascism is already here… it’s not creeping, it’s marching.” And it’s wearing a hoodie, a podcast mic, and a VC portfolio.

Smash the broligarchs. Build dual power. Take back the future